The dark and fabulist Anthropogenic Climate Change narrative, long wielded as a fascist cudgel by political elites and their academic and “green” corporate allies, is facing a potential reckoning. [emphasis, links added]
According to a recent analysis by the Heartland Institute’s H. Sterling Burnett, and published by Watts Up With That, two proposed federal statutes — the Regulations of the Executive In Need of Scrutiny Act (REINS Act) and the Secret Science Reform Act (SSRA) — could begin, in tiny ways, to dismantle the unchecked regulatory machine that has propped up the Climate Cult’s agenda for decades.
Writes Burnett:
“Of course, Congress previously gave itself the power to review and block major (agency-created) regulation retroactively for a limited period of time through the Congressional Review Act (CRA) of 1996, but it has rarely used that power, and when it has, its efforts have most often been blocked by a presidential veto. The CRA allowed the House and the Senate to pass resolutions of disapproval to block major regulations. Despite tens of thousands of regulations being enacted in nearly 30 years since the CRA passed, Congress has used it successfully to overturn rules only 20 times.
The superiority of the REINS Act to the CRA is clear: under the CRA, a regulation becomes law by default unless Congress moves to disapprove it. The REINS Act would reverse this, canceling any major regulation Congress does not explicitly approve. In addition, the president would not be authorized to ignore the will of Congress and its interpretation of what the law it has written demands, because no veto is available. The rule doesn’t become law unless Congress approves.”
Which is a start.
The trouble is that Congress, itself, operates far beyond the bounds of the U.S. Constitution — so far, in fact, that the vast, vast majority of their statutes and the regulatory agencies they create are jaw-droppingly unconstitutional and offensive to the original intent of the Founders.
The REINS Act would force Congress to reclaim its constitutional role as the sole lawmaking body, but that does not solve the larger problem.
And the Secret Science Reform Act would mandate transparency in the science underpinning regulations—but the regulations are, for the most part, not allowed by the U.S. Constitution.
Still, the return of these bills indicates what might be a pushback against the climate change narrative that has long been a playbook for political hypocrites who live by the mantra “do as I say, not as I do.”
The list of culprits guilty of such double-talk-fake-walk activity is long, and includes, but is not exclusively populated by:
John Kerry, the former U.S. “Climate Envoy,” racked up a carbon footprint the size of a small nation while preaching climate austerity. Yes, Kerry, a regular at global climate summits like COP26, COP27, COP28, and COP29, epitomized the elite’s double standards.
And Kerry often met with thousands of delegates flown to “climate conferences” on private jets, delegates who paraded in “electric limos” that actually were charged with diesel generators, and produced more hot air than honesty.
As I noted last year in January, when the sadness of losing John Kerry as the so-called “Climate Czar” shook so many of us, Mr. Kerry’s towering hypocrisy is similar to that of many other High Priests of the Climate Cult.
Figures like Kerry, King Charles, and Al Gore push apocalyptic narratives to justify control over energy markets, all while their personal actions betray their supposed principles.
2021’s COP26, in Glasgow, Scotland, saw over 400 private jets land, emitting an estimated 13,000 tons of CO2, equivalent to the annual emissions of 1,600 average citizens.
But, of course, the attendees are not “average citizens,” and they demand that the working class sacrifice their livelihoods to “save the planet.”
The irony is as obvious as the ever-growing list of diktats they push on us, as clear as the government-to-special-interest graft machine that seems to bless so many of the Climate Cultists with alarmism-fueled tax-provided government-directed wealth.
And the scientific underpinnings of this agenda are equally suspect.
From the infamous Climategate scandal, where leaked emails from the University of East Anglia’s Climatic Research Unit revealed scientists discussing their desire to manipulate data and “hide the decline” in temperatures to Michael Mann, creator of the questionable “hockey stick” graph (which begins during what was called the “Little Ice Age” and conveniently avoids the Medieval Warm Period before it, making the graph appear to shoot up without precedent, only when the eeevil internal combustion engine enters the world scene), who became a poster child for politicized science, dodging scrutiny while his work fueled global panic.
The political class’s hypocrisy only deepens the case for reform.
At COP27 in Egypt, delegates dined on gourmet meals flown in from Europe while discussing “climate justice” for developing nations.
COP28 in Dubai saw oil-rich emirates host talks on phasing out fossil fuels, a surreal spectacle given that the region’s wealth depends on them.
COP29, held in Azerbaijan, continued the trend, with attendees railing against carbon while their travel habits mocked their rhetoric.
These summits aren’t about solutions; they’re about signaling virtue and securing influence.
But what is melting is their alarmist narrative, and we, the people, who make economies work, might have a chance to come up for air if the House and Senate do the right thing.
Read more at mrcTV
While that legislation may be a bandaid, the gross error against the Constitution will not be fixed. Administrative Procedures Act of 1946 must be repealed. By this act, Congress handed over to the bureaucratic agencies of the Executive the primary constitutional duties and authority of the Congress which are representation and legislation, reserving for Congress weak and usually politically impractical oversight. The act is unconstitutional under separation of powers and overstep of constitutionally contracted duties and authority (breach of contract).